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2006-09-16

OBJVSATIKU memos

Date 6th September 2006
.............................................................................................................
MEMORANDUM
From:. VICE-PRESIDENT
.........................................................................................................
Reference: .

Subject: .RE: REQUEST .. FOR.ASSISTA.NCE .. IN THE..INVESTI.GATION OF US CONGRESSMAN WILLIAM JEFFERSON:
REQUEST FOR EFCC REPORT

On Tuesday, September 5, 2006, I was questioned by a five-man Committee led by the Attorney-General of the Federation on matters relating to the Investigation of US congressman William Jefferson. This was the culmination of a series of inquiries in writing by the Chairman of the EFCC to which I had responded. I was informed by the Attorney-General and his team that the meeting with me was to seek clarifications on certain grey areas in the report of the Chairman of the EFCC.

2. Mr. President may wish to note that I subjected myself to the enquiries earlier mentioned in spite of my very strong reservations on the procedures especially as they impinge on my constitutional rights as a sitting Vice President. I must state, however, that I am particularly distressed and I take serious objections to the procedure adopted by the Attorney General and his team because my inability to have access to the full report of the EFCC put me in a very awkward position. Apart from the issue of decorum and respect for the institution of the Presidency, the more serious issue of fair hearing is involved. Mr. President has gone through so much persecution in life that he will easily appreciate the ramifications of the points I have raised.

3. In the light of the foregoing, I wish to humbly request that you avail me of the detailed report of the EFCC so that you can have the benefit of my comprehensive response in proper context before you take any further actions.

Date: . 6th Sept. 2006

‘I okayed placement of PTDF funds’


Mr. Nuhu Ribadu.
The Executive Chairman, EFCC
Abuja
REQUEST FOR ASSISTANCE IN THE INVESTIGATION OF US CONGRESSMAN, WILLIAM JEFFERSON

Please refer to your letter No. EFCC/EC/VP/02/l0 of August 18, 2006. The issues raised are addressed serially below. I approved the placements based on the recommendations of the then Secretary of the PTDF because I was satisfied with the reasons advanced in support of his recommendations. The contents of what you referred to as attachment A actually need no further elaboration, except to add the equally obvious explanation that given the requirements of “Due Process”, there is usually a considerable time lag between project approval and actual implementation. It was, therefore, impracticable to carry out the specified projects immediately money was approved or released.

The approval was given in good faith within the context of the global approval already given by Mr. President and after considering the convincing arguments advanced by the then Secretary of PTDF. I was also conscious of the fact that all the projects covered by the initial and additional approvals would eventually be subjected to “Due Process” certification and Federal Executive Council approval. As you may be aware, the final awards for some of the contracts were approved by the Federal Executive Council just a few weeks ago. The explanation for the placement of the additional funds is the same as earlier offered for the first questionnaire.

The selection of ETB for the placement was informed by our judgment on the safety of the investment on maturity and the reasonableness of the returns on investment (i.e. interests payable) bearing in mind what obtained in the industry at the material time. The Executive Secretary usually forwarded his request for fund to me and, depending on the nature of the requests, I made recommendations to Mr. President for approval. I cannot recollect the circumstances surrounding the movement of US$50 million from the UBA New York Account to ETB. More specifically, I cannot recollect giving approval for such movement. The N30 million was at the request of Otunba Fasawe as a loan to secure the property for his offices.

2. Thank you
SGD
ATIKU ABUBAKAR

‘Obasanjo, Atiku jointly ran controversial account’

Controversial account is campaign account

*Obasanjo, Atiku were joint overseers

The Marine Float Account said to belong to Otunba Oyewole Fasawe in the report by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and for which a kangaroo panel indicted Vice President Atiku Abubakar in his alleged business relations with Chief Otunba Oyewole Fasawe is a presidential campaign account jointly managed by President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

The account was maintained to finance campaign activities and was held in trust for Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign Organization by a mutual friend of Vice President Abubakar and President Obasanjo, Otunba Fasawe. Two similar accounts were kept by Chief Emeka Offor and the Late Waziri K. Mohammed.

The EFCC was duly informed of this during its investigation into the accounts and the Commission confirmed this in its interrogation of Otunba Fasawe, and Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju, Personal Assistant to President Obasanjo.

However, in its determination to achieve a pre-determined conclusion, EFCC conveniently ignored this fact and tried to link the account to Otunba Fasawe’s loan from the TIB. It is out of frustration with not finding anything incriminating on Vice President Abubakar after several stone-squeezing exercises, that EFCC and its sponsors decided to assemble unrelated matters to smear the name of the Vice President.

For the avoidance of doubt, we assert that the account in question was a campaign account jointly managed by the President and the Vice President. Instructions on withdrawals from the account for campaign activities were issued jointly by President Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar. The withdrawals for the Vice President’s activities were collected by Mr. Umar Pariya while the withdrawals for Mr. President’s campaign activities were made by Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju, his Personal Assistant.

The banking transaction records are in the bank and ascertainable. We challenge the EFCC to publish the account’s bank statement for Nigerians to see the names of those who have drawn from the account. The records will reveal names of politicians who have indeed been used over the years to undermine the Vice President. The Vice President definitely could not have been the one funding his adversaries. The list also included names whose familial and communal ties with the presidency are definitely not with the Vice President.

It is important to also note that the donation of N100 million to the Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign Organization by Governor of Plateau State, Chief Joshua Dariye, and many other donations were lodged in this account. When the donation became controversial, President Obasanjo refunded N50 million and literally forced the Vice President to give the other half to the Plateau State government. If the President knew nothing about the account, why did he refund N50 million for the lodgment in the account?

For the avoidance of doubt, the Vice President is not contesting the EFCC report on the ground that President Obasanjo is equally guilty of the false allegations. His contention is that the banking transaction on which the EFCC based its conclusions is a presidential campaign account jointly managed by him and Mr. President and not Fasawe’s personal account. The payments from that account cannot be a valid basis for the ill-conceived EFCC conclusions.
Again, we challenge the EFCC to publish the transactions in that account for Nigerians to see. It is our conviction that the attempt by the EFCC to draw correlations between the TIB loan to Otunba Fasawe and the campaign account will collapse when Nigerians are given the opportunity of seeing the transaction records of the account.

Vice President Atiku Abubakar maintains that the EFCC report is a fabrication of lies and malicious falsehood to stop him from contesting the 2007 presidential election. Again, we state that the choice of leaders is that of Nigerians to make. This cannot be assumed by old-style patriarchy. It is the inalienable right of the Nigerian people and this right should not be allowed to be appropriated by any individual or group, under whatever pretext.

The Vice President is convinced that the lies, fabrications and evil machination behind this contrived attempt to stop him from the 2007 election will fail. The truth will emerge as the report is subjected to scrutiny in the National Assembly and the courts.

Signed:
Garba Shehu,
Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organization.


‘Obasanjo walked away from campaign debt’
September 11, 2006

Obasanjo/Atiku presidential campaigns account into which billions of Naira of campaign funds was paid was actually left in deficit of N300 million which payment the Vice President had to assume because the President walked away from it after being announced as winner of the 2003 elections.

This disputes the false claim by the Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria, Akin Oshintokun that the President, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo knew nothing of the account.
It is true that the company, Marine Float goes back to 1992 in its formation. But it was a dormant account. The defunct Habib Bank made it available to the ticket for the campaigns. Both the President and the Vice President operated the account.

Their personal aides, Bodunde Adeyanju and Umar Pariya collected from it. The N100 million donation from Plateau State was paid into this account. When the donation became controversial, President Obasanjo paid N50 million and forced the Vice President to pay the balance. But this, as we said, was not the only campaign account. Two others were maintained by Chief Emeka Ofor and the late Waziri K. Mohammad.

By the time the campaign organization was fully in place, this particular account, in the name of Marine Float was transferred to the Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign, and was managed jointly by the holders of the PDP presidential ticket.

When victory was won, the campaign account was in deficit of N300 million. When approached to pay, the President flatly refused, leaving the Vice President with no option but the painful one of transferring the debt to his personal account.
It is also important to note that this is the account that the security agents raided at Bank PSB, in the course of which they made the shocking finding that the Vice President was only able to bring down the debt to N180 million only.

But the President had, sometime last year barred the ICPC from looking into the account, perhaps in consideration that its records cannot be used against the Vice President without concomitant implications for himself.

We maintain our position that the account in question is one held in trust for the Obasanjo/Atiku presidential campaigns by Otunba Fasawe. We restate that two others of such campaign accounts were held in trust by Chief Emeka Ofor and the Late Mohammed Waziri.

We insist that the publication of the transactions in that account will convince Nigerians about the true identity and purpose of the bank account. We challenge the EFCC to publish the bank statement of that account.

We also challenge the EFCC to produce the report of its interrogation of Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju, the Personal Assistant to the President, Andy Uba, the Senior Special Asssistant to the President and of the bank managers who the EFCC questioned who were in charge of withdrawing funds from the account for the campaign activities of President Obasanjo.
We believe that rather than holding the nation in suspense over this matter, a publication of the transactions on the account, showing the date, and the names of the beneficiaries remains the best way of letting Nigerians know the truth about the account.

The Atiku Campaign Organization volunteers to underwrite the bill of such publication in all national newspapers. We wish to correct the erroneous impression that the claim on the campaign account is an attempt to spread the tar. Rather, it is a clarification that the conclusions of the EFCC based on the identity and purpose of the account is erroneous, misconceived and a fabrication.
Signed:
Garba Shehu,
Atiku Abubakar Campaign Office.
September 12, 2006


PRESS STATEMENT

On Tuesday, September 6, 2006, President Olusegun Obasanjo forwarded two reports to the National Assembly:

•Report of the investigation of the funds of the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC);
•The findings of the Administrative Panel on the investigation of the PTDF by the EFCC.
Since the reports were received by the National Assembly, attempts have been made to read political meanings into a purely administrative and constitutional issue. That, really, is to be expected, especially as the matter concerns high political office holders. However, we observe that most of the commentaries, to be modest, ignore the facts of the case.

Why the Investigation

Following a dispute between NDTV and iGate chaired by Vernon J. Jackson, Congressman William J. Jefferson, representing Second Congressional District of Louisiana on May 28, 2004, wrote to President Obasanjo alleging corruption in the PTDF. To understand the origin and motive of the investigation of the PTDF in the first instance, it will be necessary to copiously quote Mr. Jefferson.

“One of the principals of NDTV demanded a kick-back of one million dollars of the $6.5 million. Additionally, Mr. Jackson reported to me that he was deeply troubled by comments made to him by the managing director of NDTV that the funds were delayed on the contract because they were expecting funds allegedly related to Petroleum Trust Development Fund (PTDF) fixed deposits to pay for the rest of the project. Mr. Jackson worried that this source of payment might be improper or perhaps even illegal.

After hearing this from Mr. Jackson, I therefore refused to be of further help to NDTV to continue its contract with iGate as I did not want a smudge on my reputation, nor that of iGate or Mr. Jackson in dealings in Nigeria. A final concern that Mr. Jackson reported to me, unrelated to the contract violations, nonetheless disturbing, was that he feared he would become involved in Nigerian politics. This is because two of the principals of NDTV continued to press him to agree to have their partnership provide funds out of upcoming operations for the 2007 elections for the current Vice President of Nigeria to become President. At bottom, this is all there is to the matter – a business dispute that is left to be settled between the parties through good-faith negotiations – not through outrageous claims of wrongdoing.”

On receipt of the letter, containing allegations which clearly put question marks on the anti-corruption credentials of his government, the President in a letter of June 9, 2004, thanked Mr. Jefferson. Additionally, he said he “had taken immediate steps to ensure full investigations of its (PTDF) activities in order to establish the veracity of the allegations made on the use of its resources to settle the obligations of the NDTV, a private company.”

Preliminary investigations indicated that Mr. Jefferson was right about the PTDF. As a result, Alhaji Hamisu Mirago, the Fund’s executive secretary was removed. To get to the bottom of the matter, the President directed the police to continue the investigations.
These are ongoing.
By coincidence, Jefferson became entangled in another case, which involved Vice President Atiku Abubakar. The case was about allegations that Jefferson had asked and received bribes on behalf of the Vice President on a transaction involving the Nigeria Telecommunications Company Limited (NITEL). That case led to the well-published raid on the US home of Vice President Atiku Abubakar.

Because the matter involved a high-ranking US citizen, the FBI wrote to the EFCC to investigate the case and share information on the findings. Based on this, the EFCC took over the investigation of the PDTF. It is interesting to know that it was Mr. Jefferson, who has very obvious and deep business links with Vice President Abubakar, and his associates, who blew the whistle that informed the investigation of the PTDF.

After the investigations, a copy of the report was forwarded to the FBI and another to the President apparently because it was found out that the Vice President was directly involved in certain transactions and received cheques in his name. Funds from the PTDF have also been used to fund private projects of the Vice President. Taking great care not to be perceived as operating double standards on the matter of corruption, the President set up an administrative panel to study the EFCC report and advise the Federal Executive Council (FEC).

The recourse to administrative panel of inquiry was informed by the fact that government was so embarrassed that it could not trust any other mechanism to advise the findings of the EFCC. Again, the nature of the persons involved required that the report be treated with utmost confidentiality and secrecy.

The panel’s report, presented to the FEC, concluded the Vice President abused his office, violated oath of office and the constitution. Since the President has no powers to sanction his deputy, he decided to forward the report to the National Assembly for the information of all members...

Less than ninety days after the first deposit on October 10, 2003, TIB advanced a loan of 400 million Naira to NDTV and two days later gave a loan of 420 million to MOFAS. Chief Fasawe has interests in NDTV and MOFAS and serves as Chairman of both companies. A second loan of 30 million Naira was given again to NDTV by TIB barely two months later on Jan 1, 2004.

Some eight months before its first TIB loan, February 18, 2003, MOFAS gave 250 million Naira to Marine Float, a company owned by Vice President Atiku Abubakar and incorporated in 1992. The Vice President’s company, Marine Float, had in the preceeding month paid 30 million Naira as deposit for the purchase of the headquarters of NDTV confirming the Vice President’s interests in NDTV.

From October 2003, MOFAS paid more than 500 million Naira to Umar Pariya, the Personal Assistant of Vice President Atiku Abubakar (see annex for copies of some of the cheques) On one occasion, the sum of 61 million Naira was paid by MOFAS directly to the Vice President on Jan. 29 2001. MOFAS also paid 60 million Naira directly to Musa Garba on May 22 2002. Garba is, among other things, a contractor who works for the ABTI establishment comprising the Academy and University) owned by the Vice President.

Musa Garba had said, among other things in his statement during investigation, that he had cashed cheques in the past for the Vice President. ‘’I remember around 2002-2005, Alhaji Atiku brought some drafts on different occasion(s) in favour of my name. He said it is not for ABTI, one of his friends donated to PDP North East, then I gave him cash for the drafts. He did not tell me the name of the donors since I am not a politician’’ (excerpts from statement of Musa Garba)

Following the receipt of the loans from TIB in October 2003 and Jan 2004, NDTV concluded the payment for the headquarters of the organization to the tune of 170 million Naira. NDTV also paid 6.5 million dollars to iGate in two installments. In his letter of May 28 2004, to President Olusegun Obasanjo, Representative William J. Jefferson of the United States complained that “one of the principals of NDTV demanded a kick back of one million dollars of the 6.5 million dollars.’’

(Vernon L) Jackson, Chairman and CEO of iGate Inc. had, according to Jefferson’s letter, “reported to me that he was deeply troubled by comments made to him by the Managing Director of NDTV that the funds were delayed on the contract because they were expecting funds allegedly related to …PTDF fixed deposits to pay for the rest of the project’’. (Note that Vice President Atiku Abubakar authorized that fixed deposits be paid by PTDF under his supervision into ETB and TIB without authorization of Federal Executive Council)...

Hamisu Abubakar (aka Mairago), former Executive Secretary of PDTF benefited from loans in excess of 200 million naira from PDTF. A three million dollar contract with Univision of United Kingdom for the provision of consultancy services for the upgrade of Petroleum Training Institute, Warri and PDTF scholarships was inflated by two million dollars and the fund diverted to four companies owned by Hamisu under the pretext of the companies offering services. Hamisu Abubakar remains a dealer and transporter for Conoil owned by Otunba Mike Adenuga. It is now known that Jeffrey Tesler facilitated a loan of 700 million US dollars for Conoil. On August 30 2002, Conoil paid 180 million dollars to support the Globacom bid.

The transactions had nothing to do with the President

Vice President Atiku Abubakar has alleged political persecution and all sorts of things. That is far-fetched, by all standards. Neither the President nor anybody had an inkling of the dealings in PDTF until he was tipped off by Jefferson, whose links to Vice President Atiku Abubakar is well known. Secondly, the country would not have known that a public trust like the PTDF has been used to further private interests had NDTV and iGate not disagreed on a deal and petitioned the President.

Thirdly, allegations that the funds were used for campaigns, are to say the least, false. The payments were not made in relation to campaign expenses. For instance, past payment for the NDTV headquarters by Marine Float owned by Vice President Atiku Abubakar cannot be said to be a campaign related expenditure.

Monies in excess of 400 million naira paid by MOFAS in October 2003 cannot be said to be campaign expenditure. What campaign, we dare ask, was on in October 2003, four months after the President and the Vice President had been sworn into office?

So much has been said about the donation of N100 million to the PDP by Plateau State Governor, Chief Joshua Dariye. The truth is that no such money was donated. The Plateau State Governor wrote a N100 million cheque in the name of Marine Float, owned by Vice President Atiku Abubakar. The date on the All States Trust Bank cheque is August 15, 2001, two clear years before the presidential elections in 2003.

Following the insistence of the EFCC that the money be refunded, the Vice President begged the President to help him as he had no money. The President agreed to give fifty million naira. (There are witnesses. Copy of the cheque and report attached as annexure). This is not the only time that the President has had to come to the aid of the Vice President when he so requested.

Concerning Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju, the Special Assistant to the President who was mentioned as a beneficiary of PTDF fund, Otunba Fasawe or any campaign fund on behalf of the President, we repeat that nothing can be further from the truth. Otunba Fasawe is well known to Adeyanju and has given him cash gifts since their relationship began more than eight years ago, long before the election of the President. Facts which can be checked at the EFCC show that not more than five million had been given him over several years. Could that be campaign fund or to bribe President Obasanjo?

There is another issue. It is important to note that efforts are being made to divert attention from the real issues in this case. Beyond the calculations for future office, what we need to establish is whether the allegations raise a hint of gross misconduct, abuse of office, corruption, accountability and violation of the constitution to which the Vice President swore to protect.

We need to establish whether the allegations relate to a violation of public morality and ethics which strike forcefully at the foundations of the anti-corruption policy of this government. The matter, thankfully, is before the National Assembly which under the constitution has oversight responsibility.

It is instructive to note that all actions on the matter by the relevant agencies, have followed the due process. Rather than engage in misrepresentation of facts, we would like to advise indicted parties to address pertinent issues at hand.
OLUREMI OYO (MRS.)
SSA (Media) to the President


‘Obasanjo, family, businesses benefitted from PTDF account’

September 12, 2006

OBASANJO, FAMILY AND BUSINESSES BENEFITED FROM PTDF ACCOUNT
Claims by President Olusegun Obasanjo that he did not personally benefit from the PTDF deposit in Trans International Bank (TIB) as well as from campaign funds in the account of MOFAS shipping line, are not consistent with facts on ground.

Mrs. Oyo in her statement, said yesterday (Tuesday, September 12, 2006) that, and we quote: “Concerning Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju, the Special Assistant to the President who was mentioned as a beneficiary of PTDF fund, Otunba Fasawe or any campaign fund on behalf of the President, we repeat that nothing can be further from the truth.” This has necessitated the need for our campaign office to supply the missing facts to the Nigerian public.

The documents available to us, some of which we are attaching to this statement, show that the President, his family, businesses, native community and the PDP of which he has proclaimed himself a life leader, have benefited tremendously from money deposited in the accounts he is now dissociating himself from. The President’s Personal Assistant, Mr. Bodunde Adeyanju made over 100 sorties to TIB Abuja (located at Tofa House in the Central Business District) between 1999 and 2004.

The truth of the matter, is that there is a “big linkage” between Chief Obasanjo and Otunba Fasawe contrary to the claims that the President has made. There are cheques worth over N100 millon issued to IBAD Nigeria Limited, a construction company solely owned by Obasanjo from Fasawe’s MOFAS TIB accounts. There are also payments Fasawe directly made to the Obasanjo Africa Leadership Forum and to Obasanjo Campaign Organisation. (Please see attached documents).

Documentary evidence also reveals that the President even bought a brand new Peugeot 607 for woman friend, Ms. Lamide Adegbenro, from the MOFAS account. The President also bought a Prado Jeep for Mrs Ajoke Mohammed, wife of the late Head of State, General Murtala Mohammed.

The vehicles were supplied by R.T. Briscoe in December 2001. The company also supplied two Coaster buses for Obasanjo’s Bells Comprehensive High School in Ota at about the same time.

It is false and malicious to allege that funds from the PTDF deposit were used to fund the private projects of the Vice President. Otunba Oyewole Fasawe, a long time friend of Atiku donated only a building at ABTI Academy in Yola.

The N61m cheque in the name of Atiku Abubakar is a forgery. It was issued in someone else’s name which the President’s camp erased and then superimposed Atiku’s name and re-photocopied. That cheque does not exist either in the bank or EFCC record. When EFCC Chairman, Nuhu Ribadu met the Vice President in the course of their investigation, he never showed these particular cheques. Even the EFCC Report that dripped of blood and hatred did not make any such claim. Where did the draft come from?

Instead of Atiku, it is the President who has personally benefited from both the PTDF accounts and campaign money sourced from a ministry under the direct supervision of Mr. President.

The purchase of two Coaster buses valued at N11million for Obasanjo’s Bells Comprehensive School, Ota is proof that the President has personally benefited from Fasawe’s MOFAS accounts at TIB and from the Marine Float account at Habib Bank. The TIB Abuja branch cheque was issued on December 20, 2001. An additional N1.95 million was also issued to R.T Briscoe on TIB Apapa branch on 7th December 2001.

Also, a TIB Abuja branch cheque of N4 million was issued to Ibogun-Olaogun Development Association on 26th February 2004. Ibogun-Olaogun is Obasanjo’s village. From 1999 until after the elections in 2003, the President through Bodunde Adeyanju collected over N3 billion from MOFAS account at TIB Abuja branch.

The MOFAS account is a dedicated account run by Otunba Fasawe which was made available to the Presidency and the party is well aware of movements into and from the account. Marine Float was a dormant account placed at the disposal of the campaign.
The N500 million Umar Pariya was said to have collected was for campaign activities and for the settling of debts arising from the election expenditures by the party. Cheques drawn on this account and paid to the party, post-2003 election are available...

Congressman William Jefferson is not credible. He took $6.5M from a Nigerian businessman and refused to supply equipment. He only managed to refund $1.7M. Jefferson also lied that he gave the Vice President $100,000 only for the money to be found in his refrigerator by the FBI, as revealed in the affidavit deposited before a judge to obtain a search warrant for his Capitol Hill office.

It is not true that the President decided to probe his deputy after he was tipped off by a Jefferson associate. The President wants to punish the Vice President for frustrating his third term agenda. It is an act of vendetta. The President has always been privy, to all transactions as evidence in the flow of cash from TIB MOFAS account to his family, friends, political party, community and businesses.

The Payments were made to the campaign

As regards the refund of Dariye donation, Governor Joshua Dariya has confirmed paying N100m from ecological fund to the PDP. In the course of investigating Plateau State Accounts, Nuhu Ribadu stumbled on this payment, he brought it to the attention of the Vice President who was the chairman of the campaign, and the Vice President took it up with the President who accepted that they had no option but to return the money. The President paid N50million and insisted since it was a joint ticket, that the Vice President would have to pay the balance. Anyway, Oyo’s new admission that Obasanjo refunded N50m of the Dariye donation contradicts earlier claim by the President and PDP that the donation did not exist.
It is sad and unfortunate that the President would claim to have assisted the Vice President with the money. The Vice President and Otunba Oyewole Fasawe are known to have contributed N200 million in 1998 to pay off Obasanjo’s debt to banks. Since then, the Vice President has provided various financial assistance to the President.

Concerning Bodunde Adeyanju, the claim that the money he collected could not be more that N5million is also false as shown in the copies of cheques hereby attached. Or did Remi Oyo mean Bodunde collected about N5 billion which is more in the region of withdrawals by Bodunde from the MOFAS accounts on behalf of President Obasanjo? We would like to reaffirm that the so-called EFCC and administrative panel reports are politically motivated. The Atiku probe is motivated by malice and bitterness over the President’s life presidency project. The Vice President has no regrets over his principled stand. The Nigerian people know that what is playing out now is the politics of vendetta and small-mindedness.

Finally, we note the fact of Mrs Oyo’s uncharitable presentation of the Vice President as a beggarly junior, who is having to be helped out from time to time by an ever generous boss. Let it be said here that the Vice President will remain grateful to the President for whatever favours he had done to him. But it is also important that we don’t forget where we are coming from. When the late Alhaji Mahmud Attah raised the pertinent issue of the alleged bankruptcy of the then Chief Obasanjo as an obstacle to his Presidency in 1998, the Vice President in consort with some others did take up the challenge, and with the debt on his neck now paid, threats to the General in his bid for power was starved off.

As Fela Anikulapo Kuti said in one of the songs, if we don’t know where we are coming from, we won’t know where we are going.
Signed:
Garba Shehu
Atiku Abubakar Presidential Campaign Organisation
Jabi, Abuja
September 13, 2006.

‘Obasanjo didn’t invest in Transcorp’

OBASANJO HOLDINGS LIMITED
MANAGEMENT OF OBASANJO HOLDINGS LIMITED
Our attention has been drawn to a raging debate in some of the national newspapers on allegations that President Olusegun Obasanjo invested in Transcorp. There is no truth in the allegation and we therefore wish to state as follows:

Companies are legal persons distinct from their shareholders and particularly when the shareholders are neither directors nor engaged in the day to day running of the company.
Shortly before the inception of the Olusegun Obasanjo administration in 1999, a Non-recourse Trust deed was executed by the President in favour of Elder Daniel Atsu and Barrister Lucky Egede. This was in compliance with constitutional requirements and the President’s moral and ethical persuasion and on legal advice to disengage from these interests.
By the said Trust, Elder Atsu and Lucky Egede were to run the business and the social service interests of the President at their absolute discretion. This conforms to what is done by all fair-minded and honest leaders all over the world.

For the purposes of introduction, Elder Daniel Atsu is an accountant of noble character who has been Managing Director of Obasanjo Holdings Limited since 1995 and an employee of the same organization since 1985, about twenty one years of meritorious service. Also named in the Trust was Barrister Lucky Egede, a member of the Nigerian Bar since 1987 and has worked with Obasanjo Holdings Limited since 1988.

These gentlemen have over a period of almost two decades earned the President’s trust and it is no surprise that upon his election, he appointed the two to manage everything that has to do with his business and social service interests.

It must be remembered that at the roughest of times, the trustees, Messrs Daniel Atsu & Lucky Egede have remained the backbone of all family business and social service interests of the President since 1995.

Opportunity to invest in Transcorp came to the Trustees in the normal course of business like so many other business opportunities. Furthermore, it is well settled in law that trustees have absolute discretion to invest trust funds as they deem fit. What should be important to the trustees and indeed all Nigerians, is that such investments are legitimate.

Like all progressive business concerns, we have borrowed and are still borrowing from various banks in the ordinary course of business and we do not believe that a President should conduct winding up proceedings for his businesses before assuming office.

One of the subsidiary companies named in the non-recourse Trust is Ibad Limited. The company is engaged in the manufacture, distribution and marketing of agricultural equipment and materials and we have supplied and installed agricultural equipment and materials for people in and out of government in the ordinary course of business.

For example, our clientele includes the farm of the wife of the Vice President in Adamawa State. All cheques received by Ibad Limited were received in the ordinary course of business and we do not want to be dragged into unnecessary controversies.

We accept responsibility for all investments of Obasanjo Holdings Limited and its subsidiary companies and state that it is absolutely unfair to associate the person of the President with the running of any business because the Trust gave us absolute powers.
Singed:Elder Daniel Atsu
Lucky Egede

‘Obasanjo never sanctioned diversion of public funds’

PRESS RELEASE

Obasanjo never sanctioned diversion of public funds
Our attention has been drawn to the latest attempt by the Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation to divert public attention from the serious matter of the Vice President’s indictment for diversion of public funds, fraud and abuse of office.

It is most unfortunate, indeed, that the Vice President and his cronies and rented voices have chosen not to heed the wise counsel of those who have pointed out that making false and baseless allegations against others is no defence for those against whom damning evidence of wrongdoing has been established.

For the records, however, President Olusegun Obasanjo has never directed or forced any individual or organisation to make donations to any of the many associations and non-profit making causes which he supports, including the National Mosque and the National Christian Centre in Abuja. Neither has he ever sanctioned the diversion of public funds to any political party.

In the same vein, it cannot possibly be President Obasanjo’s responsibility to account for any presents which others voluntarily choose to give his relations, aides or associates.
We, therefore, fail to see the point, in relation to the President and the subsisting indictment against the Vice President, of yesterday’s (Wednesday’s) statement by the Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation which variously alleged that payments were made by Otunba Oyewole Fasawe’s company, MOFAS, to the PDP, the African Leadership Forum, the Ibogun Olaogun Development Association and others.

Furthermore, it is important to note that the Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation is willfully trying to becloud the main issues of his indictment by attempting, in its latest statement, to equate or confuse public funds held by the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) with the MOFAS account owned by Otunba Fasawe.

PTDF must also not be confused with the Marine Float Account which is owned and controlled by the Vice President since 1992, and which has received sundry “donations”.
The fact of the present matter is that while there is glaring evidence of direct payments to the Vice President and his personal assistant from a primary beneficiary of the illegal diversion of PTDF funds, none of the photocopies of cheques maliciously issued to the press yesterday (Wednesday) by the Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation shows any such payment to the President.

The effort should, therefore, be dismissed as a pitiful attempt to tar the President with the same brush as the Vice President has willfully and consciously tarred himself.
Oluremi Oyo (Mrs.)
SSA to the President (Media)
September 14, 2006


‘The truth of Jefferson’s letter’

The Atiku Abubakar Campaign Organisation, Thursday, released yet another press statement which read in part:

In his letter to the Senate, Tuesday, on the alleged use of PTDF funds in TIB to advance the political interest of Vice President Atiku Abubakar, President Obasanjo claimed to have been alerted by U.S. Congressman William Jefferson.

The letter also claimed that the deposit was accessed by Otunba Oyewole Fasawe who used it in the pursuit of his business interests.The Atiku Abubakar Campaign will like to state that the President’s account regarding the sequence of events in this matter is typically, false. The facts of the matter are these:

Otunba Oyewole Fasawe was invited by a senior official of his bank, Trans International Bank, TIB to meet certain investors at the 2003 Sullivan Economic Summit in Abuja who were seeking a Nigerian collaborator to bring a new American communication technology to Nigeria.

Otunba Fasawe was, thereafter, introduced to US Congressman, William Jefferson who promised to facilitate the introduction of the American telecommunication technology to Nigeria. On the strength of assurances by the Congressman who was Chairman of the American house sub_committee on Nigeria, Fasawe applied for a loan facility from TIB, whose official alerted him of the investment opportunity.

Otunba Fasawe, thereafter, transferred $6.7 million to iGate, the company introduced by Congressman Jefferson by January 2003. After waiting endlessly and Jefferson was not forthcoming with the equipment as promised, Otunba Fasawe sought the help of his friend, President Obasanjo to use his contact with the American government to get Jefferson to return his money.This is in addition to the persistent pressure on Jefferson and officials of iGate.

Jefferson’s letter dated 9th June 2004 was written six months after Fasawe had persistently put him (Jefferson) under tremendous pressure to refund his money or face legal action.
This also puts to question the claim that the President’s inquisition was prompted by the Congressman’s complaint and that the letter was the first time he knew about the matter.
The truth is that Jefferson’s letter was prompted by the petition of Otunba Fasawe to President Obasanjo and President Bush of America.

Jefferson could not validly complain of the source of the NDTV funds after keeping the money for six months. The letter from Jefferson was, therefore, a blackmail to escape the imminent legal action by Fasawe who had become restless over his (now apparently) bad investment.

It is noteworthy that President Obasanjo received the letter from Jefferson in June 2004 but did not deem it fit to cause EFCC to investigate the allegations until after the defeat of the third term agenda in May 2006, more than two years after.

It is also important to note that Congressman Jefferson whose integrity President Obasanjo believes to the point of engendering a national crisis has the following profile:
He (Jefferson) is under investigation in the U.S. for collecting bribes to discharge his official responsibilities.

Jefferson, who collected $6.5 million from Otunba Fasawe to promote the new American telecommunication technology in Nigeria took Lori Mody, promoter of iGate to Vice President Abubakar, to upstage Otunba Fasawe from the business. If Atiku was part of the NDTV plot, will Jefferson be so stupid to solicit his help to upstage his own (Atiku’s) company?

Jefferson collected $100,000 from Lori Mody and told her that he had passed same to Vice President Abubakar but the money was later found wrapped in a foil paper and hidden in his freezer.

It is curious that Mr. President who is privy to these facts will attach any weight to the claims of Jefferson and desecrate the National Assembly by sending the blackmail paper to it.
Garba Shehu
Atiku Abubakar Presidential Campaign Organisation,
Jabi, Abuja
September 14, 2006.

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